CHURCH AND POLITICS: AN ANCIENT ALLIANCE IN MODERN CRISIS

  

CHURCH AND POLITICS: AN ANCIENT ALLIANCE IN MODERN CRISIS

Commentary By Isaac Kirigwi

It has often been said, especially by politicians, that church and politics should remain separate. Yet history paints a very different picture. From the coronation of Roman emperors to present-day Kenyan campaign trails, the relationship between religious institutions and political power has always been deeply intertwined. The question is not whether church and state are connected; it’s how they choose to navigate that connection, and at what cost.

The union of church and state can be traced back to the Roman Empire. When Emperor Constantine, the first Christian ruler of Rome, ascended to power, he declared Christianity the official religion of the empire. This declaration ended decades of persecution against Christians and brought religious freedom to the followers of Christ.

But it did not end there. Under Constantine’s rule, religious leaders were granted political power and prestige. They participated in state functions such as the investiture; a ceremonial act of crowning a new emperor. Bishops, once solely spiritual leaders, became key players in governance. Christianity, once a persecuted minority faith, became the dominant, and eventually, the only recognized religion, in the empire.

This marked the beginning of a longstanding partnership: one where the church and state did not merely coexist but collaborated and influenced one another.

As the Roman Empire eventually split into Eastern and Western territories, so too did the church. The Western Empire came to embrace the Roman Catholic Church, headed by the Pope in Rome. The Eastern region, centered in Constantinople, rejected papal authority and distanced itself from Roman influence.

This division was not merely theological. It was also deeply political. Until then, the Pope and the Emperor operated under a shared framework, with the emperor subject to the Church that crowned him. The split signaled the first major institutional challenge to a unified church, as ecclesiastical authority began to mirror political boundaries.

Subsequent centuries saw even greater fragmentation of the Church, much of it sparked by disputes over doctrine and authority. Reformers like Martin Luther initiated breakaways that not only reshaped Christian theology but also disrupted political power structures.

In England, the Church–State relationship took a particularly unique turn. King Henry VIII, unable to secure a church-sanctioned divorce, broke away from the Roman Catholic Church and established the Church of England. With the support of his bishops, he legitimized his new marriage and solidified his own spiritual authority. This was not just a theological move; it was a political revolution, making Henry both king and head of the Church of England.

Fast-forward to modern times, and the connection between the monarchy and the church remains. During the coronation of King Charles III, the King of the United Kingdom, on September 8, 2022, wore an oath to defend the faith and the churches of England and Scotland, reinforcing his position as a religious as well as political figure.

Where did the Kenyan church come from?

The truth is that Christianity, as organized religion, was introduced to Kenya through colonization. The British brought with them the Anglican Church, which, as previously established, originated from a monarchial and politically-motivated split. Similarly, the Roman Catholic Church, which also set roots in Kenya, has always been politically structured. Its leader, the Pope, is not only a religious head but also a head of state, the Vatican, which covers an area of just 0.44 square kilometres, is the smallest state in the world, complete with diplomatic recognition, ambassadors, and political punch. When the Pope visits other countries, he is received with full state honours. This is not just symbolic; it underscores the political weight that religious leadership can carry.

In modern Kenya, the age-old marriage between church and politics is alive and well.

During the 2022 general elections, churches became active campaign venues. Politicians, including now-President William Ruto, frequently appeared at religious events. Many religious leaders publicly endorsed him, citing his open Christianity. Some did so out of conviction, while others may have been motivated by material gain.

After the elections, this church–state relationship became even more evident, and more controversial. President Ruto has continued to attend church services across the country, often accompanied by large donations.

On Sunday, November 17, 2024, he donated Ksh 2 million to a Parish Church in Kayole, intended for building a rectory and supporting the church choir. However, this generous donation drew institutional pushback. On November 18, 2024, Archbishop Philip Anyolo of Nairobi ordered the donation to be refunded, citing a violation of church protocols and national fundraising laws, which require formal permits. His stand was clear: political donations must be both legal and ethical.

Similarly, on December 3, 2024, Archbishop Ole Sapit of the Anglican Church of Kenya made headlines. During a press conference, he announced the return of Ksh 5 million, which had been donated to a church in Bungoma by Governor Kenneth Lusaka on behalf of the President. Sapit viewed the donation as an attempt to shame the church and reaffirmed that political contributions were no longer welcome in Anglican sanctuaries.

Sapit urged faithful Kenyans to reject any donation that cannot be transparently sourced. He emphasized a simple yet powerful rule: politicians are welcome to give offerings, but they must not announce the amount publicly. If the giving is truly for God, it should be done in humility, just as ordinary worshippers do.

Despite bold steps by mainstream churches, some Evangelical churches have taken a different path. The Jesus Winner Ministry in Roysambu, for instance, accepted Ksh 20 million from President Ruto even after widespread public criticism. Many Kenyans viewed this as a political drawback. In a country where millions lack access to food, education, healthcare, and decent housing, such huge donations sparked anger and confusion. Why, they ask, should the church be seen as a beneficiary of wealth when the flock is starving?

These developments have left many Kenyans spiritually and ethically conflicted. On one hand, churches are expected to guide with moral clarity. On the other, some appear compromised by wealth and power.

The bold decisions by Archbishops Anyolo and Sapit mark a critical turning point. Their stance challenges the normalization of church-funded politics and opens a national conversation on the ethical use of religious platforms. Yet the actions of other churches, which continue to receive massive public donations, raise questions about unity within the body of Christ and whether all churches are guided by the same spiritual compass.

The fusion of church and politics is not new but the stakes today are higher. As Kenya faces economic hardship, corruption scandals, and social inequality, the church must reclaim its prophetic voice. This means calling out injustice, standing with the poor, and resisting manipulation from political actors.

If the church is to be a beacon of truth, it must resist the temptation of wealth that comes with strings attached. The future of faith in Kenya will depend not only on its spiritual doctrines but on its moral courage to speak truth to power, no matter who is in the pews.